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The security guard shrugged as the small man in tinted glasses and his female
companion were ushered through the faux-‐marble entrance of Liberia’s plush new
Royal Grand Hotel. Flying visits from the unfamiliar global friends of their Nobel-‐
winning President Ellen Johnson-‐Sirleaf are commonplace. Last week, it was Bono and
Condoleezza Rice, arriving with a US delegation to mark ten years of peace. “I’m starting
to understand this success that’s unfolding here,” said Bono later that day.
As they travelled through the capital Monrovia, Bono and Ms Rice will have passed the
leafy campus of the prestigious state-‐run University of Liberia. Access to higher
education is at an all-‐time high in Liberia, yet last week not one of 25,000 high school
graduates passed the annual entrance exams. The university had decided to conduct a
fair admissions process, based on benchmarks rather than the normal bribes and family
connections. Fog of corruption lifted, the enduring failure of Liberia’s education system
was placed in stark relief. “I felt sure I passed,” said Decontee Gweh, a 27-‐year-‐old single
mother who spent over a week’s salary, 30 USD, on the entrance exam fee. A university
official decried the students as “yet to show their willingness to prepare themselves for
the future”.
At the busy intersection just beyond the university, traffic policemen in dark blue US-‐
styled uniforms operate in sight of the National Police Headquarters. Here, unlike many
of the Liberians who pass each day, Bono and Ms. Rice will not have handed over grubby
Liberian dollars to facilitate their passage. According to a damning Human Rights Watch
Report issued this month, “The police force is riddled with corruption and a lack of
professionalism and accountability.” Transparency International’s 2013 Global
Barometer assessment confirms Liberia’s corruption issue. 75% of those surveyed had
paid a bribe to a public servant in the previous year.
This rampant petty corruption dovetails with frequent high-‐level graft scandals, but
reporting on the misdeeds of powerful Liberians still carries some risks. Rodney Sieh,
editor of the critical Front Page Africa newspaper, was last week imprisoned after he
was unable to pay 1.5m USD libel damages the civil court awarded after he outlined the
corrupt deeds of a sacked government minister. According to Mr Sieh, no media outlet
has won a libel case since the war.
With these challenges, whither Liberia’s vaunted success? Vitally, remarkably, Liberia
has maintained its peace, allowing the economy to expand dramatically. However, it is
ultimately the stardust and political nous of Mrs Sirleaf that has distinguished this tiny
West African state. Among disappointing African “big-‐men” presidents, Africa’s first
elected female leader was an “Iron Lady” with a heroic tale to tell. Mrs Sirleaf’s
government embraced the narrative of human rights and international investment.
Millions of dollars of international aid, foreign direct investment worth billions, and
numerous plaudits duly rolled in. “Any objective analysis of where Liberia was a decade
ago politically and economically with where it is now would have to conclude that a
major transformation is underway,” says Georgetown Professor Steven Radelet, former
Chief Economist for the United States Aid Agency and an economic adviser to Mrs
Sirleaf.
That Liberia has improved dramatically from those dark days of its civil conflict is not in
doubt. However, the concern for Africanists with longer memories is that the country is
being borne back into its more distant past. From the 1960s to mid 1970s, earlier
reforming presidents presided over booming double-‐digit growth thanks to an “open-‐
door” economic policy. Far from a golden age, visiting American economists in 1966
coined the term “Growth Without Development” amid corruption, non-‐existent service
delivery and chronically unequal wealth distribution. Coup and conflict eventually
followed.
Similarly, the impressive growth figures of today do not tell the full story of a formal
economy that remains plantation-‐based, reliant almost entirely on the export of
unprocessed rubber, palm oil, timber and iron ore by international concessionaires who
now control around 50% of the entire country’s land mass. This model demands only
unskilled labour, not an aspiring middle class of university graduates. Optimists view
this as a difficult first step in the right direction, citing the impressive absence of
presidential spending largesse in the Sirleaf era. Pessimists see that political power is
still entirely centralized, with the President personally appointing almost every key
position. Nepotism still begins at the top, where Mrs. Sirleaf has appointed three of her
sons to key positions. Enabling wealth is accumulated by the few, while the poor watch
on and bemoan scant government services. Such clear disparities feed social cleavages.
Ten years on, cautionary reminders of Liberia’s past are fast disappearing, with
increasing numbers of repatriates reclaiming and rebuilding war-‐damaged properties.
However, at the other end of town from the gleaming new Royal Grand Hotel, on an
emerald hill overlooking the city and the sea, the Ducor Hotel stands derelict. Wartime
graffiti runs the walls of what was the finest five-‐star hotel in Africa, where in a previous
time a similar mix of international consultants, business executives and the tiny Liberian
elite gathered to toast the country’s success. This place has seen boom times before.
Liberia Ten Year On Draft.pdf (PDF, 46.57 KB)
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