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The New Totalitarians
This book is a warning. It is a terrifying portrait of an "ideal"
society that has destroyed democracy in the name of "progress." Roland Huntford demonstrates by fact after shocking
fact how an apparently democratic, prosperous, peaceful
Utopia is totally controlled by a bureaucracy which actively
discourages all signs of individuality.
"Much more than a 'horror file.' It is a study of the 'whys' of
this unopposed bureaucracy. ... Full of valuable insights, it
is an illuminating account of the ideas in whose service the
Swedes have become so compliant!' —Book News
"A landmark work!" —San Francisco Chronicle
"The first detailed critique of the Social Democratic regime." —The New York Times Book Review
"Buy it, borrow it, or rent it — but find time and money to
give this book a thoughtful reading." —Bookmailer News
"It will take more than a single volume to disillusion Americans about 'democratic socialism' and the 'free' welfare
state, but if any book can do it, this is it!' —Human Events
Roland Huntford has been Scandinavian correspondent for
one of the world's great newspapers, The Observer. His
other books include The Sea of Darkness and Scott &


Introduction to the paperback edition vii
1. The New Totalitarians 7
2. The Historical Background 14
3. Industrial Peace and the Rise of Modern Sweden 49
4. A Planner's Promised Land 68
5. The Corporate State 86
6. Judiciary and Ombudsman 122
7. The Rule of the Apparatchik 135
8. Agitprop and the Perpetuation of the Regime 147
9. Economic Security and Political Servitude 166
10. Welfare as an Instrument of Control 182
11. Education in the Service of Conditioning 204
12. The Environmental Mill 250
13. The Mass Media as Agents of Conformity 285
14. Culture in the Political Armoury 305
15. The Sexual Branch of Social Engineering 325
16. Brave New Sweden 338
Index 349

to the
paperback edition

When this book was first published, in 1972, the Social Democrats had ruled Sweden for almost forty years. They seemed
destined to continue doing so for forty years more. Since then,
however, they have lost two elections in a row, and the country
has been governed by the non-socialist parties instead. Remarkably little has changed, however. The corporatism which lies at
the heart of the Swedish system, and which was my central
theme, continues on its way. Sweden is run in much the same
way as before. The main difference is that the corporatism of the
left has been replaced by one of the center.
This may be seen as an outcome of the general European
swing to the right. The Swedish Social Democrats, however, had
held office longer than almost any other party outside the dictatorships of Russia and Salazar's Portugal, and forty years of
socialist, or rather corporatist, rule has left its mark. Corporatism
has been implicitly accepted as an article of faith, it transcends
politics and party. The bureaucracy has been the guarantor of
continuity, for prime ministers may come and go, but the bureaucrat endures.
The change of government in Sweden demonstrated the comparative unimportance of politicians. The lesson of the Socialist
defeats in the general elections of 1976 and 1979 is that the
functionary is king; the functionary of party, institution, and
state. It is a lesson simplified by weak politicians on the one
hand and strong bureaucrats on the other.
By definition, almost, the functionary prefers a corporatist system and collective ethos. Both put institutional loyalty before

The New Totalitarians
that of class, conscience, or anything else. In a complex, industrialized modern society, where the big organization is the desirable norm, and the individual a regrettable necessity, this is a
definite advantage. It eliminates most—although not all—major
conflict, and makes the wheels go round.
Industrial relations remain the classic example, as they were
throughout the years of Socialist rule. The trade unions being a
branch of the socialist movement, with the Social Democratic
Party their parliamentary wing, their political allegiance has
always been part of their creed. Nonetheless, they have refrained—by and large—from acting politically in conducting
wage negotiations and industrial relations in general. They have
cooperated with the government of the day. Or, to put it differently, unions and employers, through the functionaries of their
central organizations, have continued to arrange matters to their
mutual satisfaction, while their counterparts in the State hold the
ring. This has meant that Sweden has weathered recent economic squalls with less industrial disruption and social strain
than many Western countries.
The sense of little having changed except the faces at the top is
enhanced by economic policy. Keynesian principles still reign
supreme. Sweden remains a country of high government spending and gargantuan taxation. Taxes account for over half the
Gross National Product, the highest in the Western world by far.
Although its Utopian image may have faded, Sweden remains,
if not a model, at least a political laboratory. If a single issue may
be said to have broken the Social Democratic hold on office, it
was nuclear power.
In 1974, some time before it was of public concern elsewhere,
nuclear energy had become a political question in Sweden. The
dangers of present-day reactors, the various risks of pollution,
became a matter of votes. It was part of a ground swell—also
ahead of its time—of concern for the environment. The so-called
"Green Wave" decided the fate of the government. Eco-politics
had arrived. Since Sweden has been traditionally devoted to the

pursuit of ever-rising affluence, this is of considerable significance.
The Social Democrats, meanwhile, had lost touch with public
opinion. This was due not to any failure of the superb party
organization, but to the feelings of the party leader, then prime
minister, Mr. Olof Palme. It was the Centre Party, the farmers'
party, that seized opportunity by playing eco-politics. In the
1976 general election, they denounced nuclear power, and
thereby won sufficient votes to give the non-Socialist camp a
parliamentary majority. This was the election that broke the Social Democrats' forty-year hold on power, and brought a coalition of Liberals, Conservatives, and Centre Party into office.
Eco-politics, however, was played within the corporative
structure. It was a party and its related organizations that took
the lead and manipulated the issue. Of greater fundamental significance is the evidence of conflict revealed by the advance of
the Conservatives or, as they are called in Sweden, the Moderates.
In each election since the early seventies, the Moderates have
increased their share of the popular vote until at the 1979 election they won 73 parliamentary seats to become, not only the
largest of the non-Socialist parties, but the largest single party
after the Social Democrats. The Moderates had taken over the
role previously filled by the Centrists.
This is the development, rather than the change of government that reveals a shift in the Swedish political spectrum.
Broadly speaking, the real dividing line in Swedish politics lies
not between Socialist and non-Socialist parties, but between a
corporative and individualistic view of society. That division has
always lain well to the Right, within the Moderate party, a little
right of center. The significance of the Moderate resurgence is to
bring more voters onto the non-corporative side of the line.
Figures are hard to come by; corporatism is not yet a target of
the pollsters. However, we know that the Moderate share of the
total popular vote rose from 15.6 percent in 1976 to 20.3 percent

The New Totalitarians
in 1979. At a very rough estimate, the non corporative proportion probably lay between half and a third of these figures. It is a
minority protest vote, albeit of some importance.
The protest comes from that portion of the middle classes
outside the bureaucracy in its widest sense. It is to be found
among the professions, the small entrepreneurs and students.
They have begun to be worried by the advancing power of the
corporative institutions, and especially by the encroachment of
the trade unions on practically every aspect of daily life. They
see their liberty, indeed their whole pattern of life, threatened.
We are now viewing, as it were, the political landscape beyond
welfare and affluence. Both are taken for granted. There are
those who are not prepared to pay any price for more of the
same; certainly not the submersion of the individual into the
corporate state. Their numbers have evidently increased, and
they have spoken at the ballot box.
This is distinctly encouraging; a gleam of light in the pessimism with which I wrote this book. The advance of the faceless
organization and its functionary has been slowed a trifle. Ten
years ago, few would have dared to prophesy in such terms.
Very possibly disillusion was helped by the threat of the socalled Wage Earners' Funds. This was a radical Social Democratic plan to transfer power in industry from boardroom to the
unions. The idea was that workers would be given shares in the
firms by which they were employed, so that they would become
a large block of shareholders. But the power of representing
them on the company boards would be statutorily vested in the
trade unions. This ultimate corporatist threat to society almost
certainly drove waverers out of the socialist camp, and benefited
the Moderates.
In the face of all this, it is an interesting comment that, despite
their numerical domination of the government coalition, the
Moderates were not allowed to fill the office of Prime Ministeras a matter of principle. This is perfectly understandable. The
anti-corporatist vote is small, associated with the Right, and

therefore contaminates the Moderates in the eyes of the electorate. It goes against the compact and overwhelming majority, and
is therefore a political liability. This is accepted with good grace
by the Moderates. Swedish politicians are eminently earthbound
and rational. They are not a gang of petty ayatollahs.
The casualty of change is Mr. Olof Palme, the Socialist Prime
Minister when this book was written. He was a product of the
sixties; of student militancy and Vietnam protest. He took over
from an unshakable father figure, Mr. Tage Erlander, because it
was felt he would attract radical youth in the role of an elder
brother. Alas, the political climate changed, youth voted the
other way, and Mr. Palme was stranded, a survivor of another
age, left behind by the receding tide.
Change, however, has largely been confined to person, if not
personality. The collective still rules. Despite the gleam of hope
in the Moderate revival and the change of government, Sweden
remains a predominantly corporate state. Forty years of Socialist
rule have affected the national mentality. It is those decades
which have molded the Sweden of today. This book, warts and
all, is how I saw that process.
Cambridge, England
December, 1979


1. The New

The vindication of prophets of doom is perversely fascinating,
for men love scourging themselves with proof that they really
are as ridiculous as they have always been telling each other.
It is therefore scarcely surprising that, in all the literature of
prediction that has flourished in the wake of science, the
lamentations have achieved the greater fame. Two pessimistic visions of the future have already passed into folklore;
two classic nightmares of what very likely awaits us; two
sketches of the prison that we appear bent on erecting around
ourselves with the most disastrous ingenuity. They are, of
course, George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four and Aldous
Huxley's Brave New World.
Brave New World was first published in 1932; Nineteen
Eighty-Four in 1949. Time has already shown how far both
were written with the gift of prophecy. Both divined something that is now becoming uncomfortably apparent: that
the advance of science is producing a new kind of ruling class
with powers unknown before. Both foretold the final subservience of human beings to a revolutionary hybrid of
technological manipulator and political manager.
But, although the end in both cases is roughly the same,
Brave New World seems more applicable to the West at this
time. Where Nineteen Eighty-Four describes the logical conclusion of a Communist dictatorship, the climax of the
Bolshevik Revolution, as it were, Brave New World presents
the final corruption of a Western style of life. The crux of
the difference is this. Orwell postulates a reign of terror to

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