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islamic africa 7 (2016) 60-80

Islamic
Africa
brill.com/iafr

Islam and Literacy in Northern Mozambique:
Historical Records on the Secular Uses of the
Arabic Script
Liazzat J. K. Bonate

Eduardo Mondlane University, Maputo, Mozambique
liazbonate@hotmail.com

Introduction
As elsewhere in Africa,1 the use of Arabic script emerged in coastal northern
Mozambique through contact with Islam. Judging by the number of documents uncovered at the Mozambique Historical Archives during a 2009 pilot
study and Portuguese eyewitness accounts of the period, the outcome of this
contact was a relatively widespread African literacy at the end of the nineteenth century.2 Contrary to Jack Goody’s assumption, the spread of Islam here
did not result in a literacy restricted to the religious field alone or by the alleged
African tendency to regard books as magical and secret; and literacy was certainly not controlled only by specialists.3 Rather it was extensively applied to
1 Meikal Mumin, “The Arabic Script in Africa: Understudied Literacy,” in Meikal Mumin and
Kees Veersteegh, eds., The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the Use of a Writing System (Leiden
and Boston: Brill, 2014): 41–62, 55.
2 I would like to express my deep gratitude to the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Mozambique
for funding the pilot-study of the documents in Arabic script at the Mozambique Historical
Archives in 2009. I am deeply grateful to Shaykh Abu Dale for his invaluable contribution.
I would also like to thank Professor Joel das Neves Tembe, the Director of the Mozambique
Historical Archives for his unfailing support, and Chapane Mutiua for his vital assistance.
I am also indebted to Anne K. Bang for her support of the study.
3 Jack Goody and Ian Watt, “The Consequences of Literacy.” Comparative Studies in Society
and History, Vol. 5, No. 3, 1963: 304–345, 307, 322, 325; Jack Goody, The Logic of Writing and
the Organization of Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986, reprinted in
1988), 16–18. Jack Goody, The Interfaith between the Written and the Oral (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1987, reprinted in 1993), 105; Jack Goody, “Restricted Literacy
in Northern Ghana”, in Jack Goody, ed., Literacy in Traditional Societies (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1968), 198–264; Jack Goody, “The Impact of Islamic Writing
on the Oral Cultures of West Africa.” Cahiers d'Études Africaines, Vol. 11, No. 43 (1971):
455–466.
© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2016 | doi 10.1163/21540993-00701007

Islam and Literacy in Northern Mozambique

61

secular affairs, such as commercial transactions, testaments, dynastic and local
histories, poetry and other literary genres, and for communication. Of particular
interest is the correspondence both with the outsiders, such as the Portuguese,
and locally between Africans themselves. Moreover, literacy was accessed not
only by Muslim religious elites and the male coastal political establishment
but also by women and non-Muslims of the mainland.
This article examines how the use of Arabic script came into play historically in this region and how it evolved into African literacy before the establishment of modern colonial rule at the beginning of the twentieth century. It
argues that initially the preeminence of Muslims in world trade and the
involvement of Mozambique in that trade were instrumental for the expansion of Islam and the adoption of Arabic as an important language of commerce. In fact, trade was one of the important vehicles for Islamization as well
as for the expansion of literacy, especially of the commercial literacy which is
embedded in the Qur’an containing “instructions on how to draft, date and
certify written contracts, directly or through the scribes.”4 But while international trade continued to be central to these processes throughout centuries,
the reach of this literacy was widened to a great extent by the adoption of the
Arabic script for local languages, transmitted through institutionalized forms
of teaching and learning in Qur’anic schools. As Dale F. Eickelman points out,
notwithstanding their stress on religious knowledge and rote memorization,
these schools have always provided Muslims with some secular ability to write
and read.5 For example, in a remote Moroccan village agricultural overseers,
merchants and traders kept accounts, while other individuals composed simple narratives of local events, and Qur’anic teachers produced amulets and
charms. This point was taken up by Brian V. Street who also emphasized that
the maktab or Qur’anic school taught secular literacy along with the religious
one, including commercial literacy and computation skills which enabled
local fruit sellers in Iranian villages to maintain accounts, sign checks, write

4 Ghislaine Lydon, “A Thirst for Knowledge: Arabic Literacy, Writing Paper and Saharan
Bibliophiles in Southern Sahara”, in Ghislaine Lydon and Graziano Krätli, eds., The TransSaharan Book Trade: Arabic Literacy, Manuscript Culture, and Intellectual History in Islamic
Africa (Leiden: Brill, 2011): 35–72, 37, 38; see also, Nelly Hanna, “Literacy and the ‘Great Divide’
in the Islamic World, 1300–1800.” Journal of Global History, Vol. 2, No. 2 (2007): 175–193,
182–191.
5 Dale F. Eickelman, Knowledge and Power in Morocco: The Education of a Twentieth-Century
Notable (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 60, 64; Dale F. Eickelman, “The Art of
Memory: Islamic Education and its Social Reproduction.” Comparative Studies in Society and
History, Vol. 20, No. 4 (1978): 485–516, 487. See also, Hanna, “Literacy and the ‘Great Divide’,”
179–181.

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Bonate

bills, label boxes, etc.6 This literacy was applied not only locally but also across
immense areas of the world where Muslims dominated trade such as the
Mediterranean, Red Sea, Indian Ocean, Sahara and along the Silk Road. As a
result, Islam stimulated the acquisition of literacy skills not only because it was
a written religion with a Book, but also because it became an avenue for social
mobility, access to wealth and to vast reservoirs of knowledge.7 It allowed people
of diverse ethnic and cultural backgrounds in faraway places to exchange, converse, and expand their access to information.8 The eleventh-century Cairo
Geniza documents reveal the geographical breadth of the trade networks
extending from the Mediterranean to India and incorporating multiple ethnic
and religious communities.9 They also attest to the magnitude of Arabic scriptbased literacy practices and skills involved, ranging from legal and commercial
writings to personal correspondence. The thirteenth-century collection of
documents from Quseir in Egypt reveals similar trends throughout the Red
Sea.10 Ghislaine Lydon has uncovered analogous range of documents across
nineteenth-century trans-Saharan Africa.11
The Arabic language, the language of the Qur’an was the vehicle for literacy, however not all Islamized societies adopted it. In the regions where the
number of Arab settlers was significant or where intense trade relations took
place, Arabic was implemented regionally or at least as the language of trade.12
But in many cases, the local-global encounters resulted in hybrid literacy
6
7

8
9

10
11

12

Brian V. Street, Literacy in Theory and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1984), 133–135, 142–143, 151, 172.
Kees Versteegh, “An Empire of Learning: Arabic as a Global Language” in Christel Stolz,
ed. Language Empires in Comparative Perspective. (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter GmbH, 2015):
41–53, 47–48.
Lydon, “A Thirst for Knowledge,” 38.
Shelomo Dov Goitien, A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World
as Portrayed in the Documents of Cairo Geniza (Berkeley: University of California Press,
1999), Volume 1, Chapter iii, “The World of Commerce and Finance”; Mark R. Cohen,
“Geniza for Islamicists, Islamic Geniza, and the “New Cairo Geniza”.” Harvard Middle
Eastern and Islamic Review, Vol. 7 (2006): 129–145.
Li Guo, Commerce, Culture and Community in a Red Sea Port in the Thirteenth Century: The
Arabic Documents from Quseir (Leiden: Brill, 2004).
Ghislaine Lydon, On Trans-Saharan Trails: Islamic Law, Trade Networks, and Cross-Cultural
Exchange in Nineteenth-Century Western Africa (Berkeley: Cambridge University Press,
2009).
Versteegh, “An Empire of Learning”, 48; Louis Brenner and Murray Last, “The Role of Lan­
guage in West African Islam.” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, Vol. 55,
No. 4, (1985): 432–446; Ghislaine Lydon, “Inkwells of the Sahara: Reflections on the Pro­
duction of Islamic Knowledge in Bilad Shinqit.” In Scott Reese, ed., The Transmission of
Learning in Islamic Africa (Leiden: Brill, 2004), 39–71.

islamic africa 7 (2016) 60-80

Islam and Literacy in Northern Mozambique

63

practices, adapted to local circumstances.13 They led to remarkable innovations in Africa, such as colonial Latin-script-based ‘tin-trunk’ literacy and the
creolized vernacular Malagasy in an Indian Ocean diaspora.14 However, before
European colonialism a deep historical process of inventive and hybrid use of
literacy was already in place in the form of ajamia, whereby Arabic alphabet
was adopted for the written representation of a wide variety of linguistically  unrelated languages.15 The Qur’anic schools were essential for the
advancement of ajamia because in order to transcribe their languages people
resorted to the script of the Qur’an.16 This article shows that Mozambican
case was no exception from these globalized yet locally-rooted historical and
cultural processes.


Trade and Literacy

Islam came to East African and Mozambican coasts very early through the
Red Sea routes that were already in place long before.17 Up to the eighth century, the coastal people engaged with Muslim traders from the Persian Gulf
and Red Sea ports, but by the eleventh and twelfth centuries most of them
had converted to Islam and were involved in Indian Ocean commerce, which
was the hub of the world trade up to the advent of Europeans in the sixteenth
13
14

15

16

17

Brian Street, “What’s “new” in New Literacy Studies? Critical Approaches to Literacy in
Theory and Practice,” Current Issues in Comparative Education, Vol. 5, No. 2 (2003): 77–91, 80.
Karin Barber, ed., Africa’s Hidden Histories: Everyday Literacy and Making the Self
(Bloomington: Indian University Press, 2006); Pier M. Larson, Ocean of Letters: Language
and Creolization in an Indian Ocean Diaspora (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2009).
From Arabic word al-ajamiya, meaning ‘foreign”, “non-Arabic”. See, Kees Versteegh,
“Linguistic Contacts between Arabic and Other Languages.” Arabica, T. 48, Fasc. 4 (2001):
470–508; Meikal Mumin and Kees Versteegh, eds., The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the
Use of a Writing System (Leiden: Brill, 2014); O. Hegyi, “Minority and Restricted Uses of the
Arabic Alphabet: the Aljamiado Phenomenon” Journal of the American Oriental Society,
Vol. 99, No. 2 (1979):262–269.
Moulaye Hassane, “Ajami in Africa: the Use of Arabic Script in the Transcription of
African Languages,” in Shamil Jeppie and Suleiman Bachir Diagne, eds., The Meanings of
Timbuktu (Dakar: codesria and hsrc, 2008):109–121.
The Periplus of the Etythraean Sea: Travel and Trade in the Indian Ocean by a Merchant of
the First Century, in http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/ancient/periplus.asp, last accessed
September 25, 2014; Malyn Newitt, “The Early History of the Sultanate of Angoche,”
Journal of African History, Vol. 13, No. 3 (1972): 397–406; Malyn Newitt, A History of
Mozambique (London: Hurst and Co., 1995), 3–13; Liazzat J. K. Bonate, “Islam in Northern
Mozambique: A Historical Overview,” History Compass, Vol. 8, No. 7 (2010): 573–593, 574.

islamic africa 7 (2016) 60-80

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Bonate

century.18 The Indian Ocean networks linked South India, South Arabia,
Persia, Southeast Asia, East Africa and China to each other and to the wider
web of connections and exchange.
Archaeological evidence suggests that Muslim sailors and merchants initially stayed through monsoon periods or used as respites the islands or the
littoral of Mozambique.19 They might have led some local people towards
Islamisation but in later periods, they took local wives, settled permanently
and became absorbed by local communities. When the Portuguese arrived
at the end of the fifteenth century, they found Muslim merchant com­
munities thriving and noted that Mozambican coast was part of Indian
Ocean trading networks as well as the Swahili World.20 These communities
18

Adria LaViolette, “Swahili Cosmopolitanism in Africa and the Indian Ocean World, A.D.
600–1500,” Archaeologies, Vol. 4, No. 1 (2008): 24–49; Jeffrey Fleisher, “Rituals of
Consumption and the Politics of Feasting on the Eastern African Coast, ad 700–1500,”
Journal of World Prehistory, Vol. 23, No.4 (2010): 195–217; Kirti N. Chaudhuri, Trade and
Civilization in the Indian Ocean: An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 37–39; Michael Pearson, The Indian
Ocean (London: Routledge, Taylor and Francis Group, 2003), 95; Phillippe Beaujard, “The
Indian Ocean in African and Eurasian World-Systems before the Sixteenth Century,”
Journal of World History, Volume 16, Number 4(2005): 411–465; Edward A. Alpers, The
Indian Ocean in World History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 40–68.
19 Ricardo Teixeira Duarte, Northern Mozambique in the Swahili World (Central Board of
National Antiquities, Sweden: Eduardo Mondlane University, Mozambique & Uppsala
University, 1993); Francois Balsan, “A la researche des Arabes sur le cotes du Nord
Mozambique (Transcrição)”, Monumenta, No. 2 (1966): 57–62; Paul J. J. Sinclair “An
Archaeological reconnaissance of northern Mozambique (part i: Nampula province: part
ii: Cabo Delgado province), Working Papers in African Studies 12 (Uppsala: Department of
Cultural Anthropology, Uppsala University, 1985); Christian Isendahl, “Angoche: an
Important Link of the Zambezian Gold Trade”, in http://uadm.uu.se/digitalAssets/9/9403
_isendahl.pdf, last accessed August 6, 2015; Marilee Wood, Laure Dussubieux and Peter
Robertshaw, ‘The glass of Chibuene, Mozambqiue: New Insights Into Early Indian Ocean
Trade.’ The South African Archaeological Bulletin, Vol. 67, No. 195 (June 2912): 59–74, 72–73.
20 Newitt, A History 13–23; Edward A. Alpers, ‘East Central Africa’, in The History of Islam in
Africa, ed. Nehemia Levtzion and Randall L. Pouwels (Athens: Ohio University Press,
2000), 303–325, 304. The Swahili World here means regions extending from the Somali
coast at the Horn of Africa to southern Mozambique, and including also the Lamu archipelago, the major offshore islands of Pemba, Zanzibar, and Mafia, the northern tip of
Madagascar and the Comoro Islands. See, Mark Horton, and John Middleton, The Swahili:
The Social Landscape of a Mercantile Society (London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2001); Randall L.
Pouwels, “Eastern Africa and the Indian Ocean to 1800: Reviewing Relations in Historical
Perspective.” International Journal of African Historical Studies, Vol. 35, No. 2–3, 2002: 385
– 425: 387–400; Bonate, “Islam in Northern Mozambique.”

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Islam and Literacy in Northern Mozambique

65

used  Arabic as the commercial lingua franca since at least the eleventh
century.21
Aware of Muslim preeminence in international trade, the kings of Portugal
gave letters in Arabic to their sailors and traders to be presented to the rulers of
the places where they went ashore. The sixteenth-century chronicler Damião
de Goes mentions several specific cases. For example, when admiral Pedro
Alvares arrived in Kilwa on July 20, 1500, he said to the king, Ibrahimu (Abraemo
in the original) that he brought letters from his lord, the king of Portugal, Dom
Manuel, delivered the following day.22 “[Ibrahimu] forthwith gave to the
scribes to read in Arabic, and showed a great pleasure at the contents thereof.”23
Similar letters were also given to the king of Malindi.24 When the Portuguese
installed Mohamed Anconi as the king of Kilwa in July 1505, documents were
drawn to that effect in Arabic and Portuguese.25
Furthermore, a collection of the royal correspondence in Arabic was
­published in 1789 by Friar João de Sousa, containing fifty-eight letters dated
1503–1528, exchanged between the kings Manuel and João III with various rulers
of Morocco, Mecca, India, Hormuz, Sumatra, Malacca, Ethiopia, Mozambique
and East Africa. 26 Two letters were from Malindi, but most importantly, a letter from the ruler of Mozambique [Mozambique Island], Sharif Muhammad
al-Alawi to the king Manuel dated May 27, 1517 was also included.27 His name
points to his probable Hadrami Alawi sharifian descent.
There is a lack of information on the second-half of the sixteenth and the
seventeenth centuries, so it is difficult to ascertain whether Arabic or Kiarabu
(ajami Kiswahili) was in use at that time. However, Charles Ralph Boxer draws
attention to a great deal of documents from the seventeenth and eighteenth

21

Scott S. Reese, “Tales Which Persist on the Tongue: Arabic Literacy and the Definition of
Communal Boundaries in Sharīf ʿAydarūs’s Bughyat al-Ȃmȃl”. Sudanic Africa, Vol. 9 (1998):
1–17, 6.
22 Damião de Goes, “Chronicle of the Most Fortunate King Dom Emanuel of Glorious
Memory. Extracts from the Book in English Translation,” in George McCall Theal, ed.,
Records of South-Eastern Africa (Cape Town: C. Struik (Pty) Ltd, 1964), Vol. 3: 67–142, 93.
23 Ibid., 94.
24 Ibid., 95.
25 Ibid., 114.
26 Frey João de Sousa, Documentos Arabicos para a Historia Portugueza Copiados dos
Originaes da Torre do Tombo com permissão da S. Majestade, e Vertidos em Portuguez, por
Ordem da Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisboa (Lisboa: Officina da Academia Real das
Sciencias, 1789).
27 Sousa, Documentos Arabicos, 67–73, 85–86, 123–125.

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Bonate

centuries concerning East Africa and Mozambique, including “interesting
accounts of Zambezia (1698) and letters from the Queen of Zanzibar, Arab
Sheiks, and so forth” in the archives of the Indian region of Goa.28 These official Portuguese archives were kept in Goa because it was the seat of the
Estado da India (the State of India), incorporating scattered Lusitanian ‘possessions’ along the Indian Ocean rim, including Mozambique and East Africa,
until 1752.
The oldest evidence for the Kiarabu are the eleventh and twelfth century
inscriptions on tombs and coins, while the earliest known prose dates to the
seventeenth century.29 But given that regional trade between the Swahili
enclaves and mainland Africa was extensive it seems to be plausible to suggest
that Kiarabu should have been in use for commercial purposes and for writing
contracts and correspondence. It would have been crucial for coordinating
and negotiating the trade involving diverse people dispersed geographically,
Muslims and non-Muslims alike. Besides, if ajami script was already in use in
Madagascar in the twelfth century, a place relatively removed from the important trade centers on the East African and Mozambican coasts, how could it
have not existed there as well?30
Similarly, only lack of research prevents us from establishing the period or
date when the Portuguese switched to Kiarabu in their correspondence with
the Swahili world and Mozambique. Nancy J. Hafkin’s research on the northern
Mozambican Swahili coast, largely based on the correspondence between the
Portuguese and local rulers, unambiguously shows that Kiarabu was a wellestablished medium of written communication in the eighteenth and ­nineteenth

28
29

30

Charles Ralph Boxer, “A Glimpse of the Goa Archives,” Bulletin of the School of Oriental
and African Studies, Vol. 14, No. 2 (1952): 299–324, 313.
Andrey Zhukov, “Old Swahili-Arabic Script and the Development of Swahili Literary
Language” Sudanic Africa, Vol. 15 (2004): 1–15, 1–2; Clarissa Vierke, “Akhi Patia Kalamu:
Writing Swahili Poetry in Arabic Script,” in Meikal Mumin and Keese Veersteegh, eds.,
The Arabic Script in Africa: Studies in the Use of a Writing System (Leiden: Brill, 2014): 320–
339, 319–320; Yahya Ali Omar and P. J. L. Frankl, “An Historical Review of the Arabic
Rendering of the Swahili Together with Proposals for the Development of a Swahili
Writing System in Arabic Script (Based on the Swahili of Mombasa).” Journal of the Royal
Asiatic Society, Vol. 7, No. 1 (1997): 55–71, 56.
Moradewun Adejunmobi, “African Language Writing and Writers: A Case Study of
Jean-Joseph Rabearivelo and Ny Avana in Madagascar.” African Languages and Cultures,
Vol. 7, No. 1 (1994), pp. 1–18; Kees Versteegh, “Arabic in Madagascar.” Bulletin of the School
of Oriental and African Studies, Vol. 64, No. 2 (2001): 177–187; Larson, Ocean of Letters,
44–48.

islamic africa 7 (2016) 60-80

Islam and Literacy in Northern Mozambique

67

centuries even between Africans themselves.31 Moreover, Arabic script was
used by non-Muslims, non-Swahili Africans and by women as well.32
In 2009, the author carried out a pilot study on the nineteenth-century documents in Arabic script held at Mozambique Historical Archives in Maputo.
Being a short-term project it was neither systematic nor exhaustive. Nevertheless,
it identified a total of 782 letters from one collection dating between ca. 1870
and 1900. More than 700 of the letters were written by Muslim male rulers to the
Portuguese, but several were from Muslim queens. This is not surprising given
that in this region matriliny and Islam has have coexisted over the longue
durée.33 The pilot study also reconfirmed that African rulers of the deep mainland, who were presumably neither Muslim nor literate, routinely exchanged
letters in Arabic script with the Portuguese and others.
This situation made the position of an interpreter-scribe one of the most
crucial posts of the Portuguese administration.34 The official scribe was called
‘lingoa do estado’, which means literally, the “tongue of the state”, who “handled
Arabic script correspondence with Makua chiefs, Swahili shaykhs, the Comoro
sultans and the sultan of Zanzibar.”35 The lingoa in northern Mozambique was
often a close relative of the Swahili rulers at the coast, who were kept wellinformed about Portuguese actions and intentions, and could rip benefits from
the fact time and again. For example, throughout the decade of 1830s, the
­lingoa at Mozambique Island (the centre of the Portuguese administration
until 1896) was Usufu Sarajabu, the brother of the shehe of Sancul, while in the
1860s this post was occupied by Gulamo Hussein, the uncle of the sultan of
Angoche, Mussa Quanto.36


Qur’anic Schools and Literacy

The Portuguese officials’ eye-witness accounts suggest that at the end of the
nineteenth century, Africans of northern Mozambique sought to acquire literacy
31

32
33
34
35
36

Nancy J. Hafkin, “Trade, Society and Politics in Northern Mozambique, ca. 1753–1913,”
Ph.D Dissertation, Boston University (1973), 14–No 39, 48–No 41, 97–No 19, 101–No 29,
102–No 32, 172–No 19, 173–No 24, 211–No 24–27, 275–No 60, and passim.
Hafkin mentions the cases Makua chiefs Maurusa, the Macamo-munu of Erati and the
Queen Sarima. Hafkin, “Trade, Society,” 28–No 75, 47–No 40, 148–No 82.
Liazzat J. K. Bonate, “Matriliny, Islam and Gender in Northern Mozambique,” Journal of
Religion in Africa, No 36, Vol. 2 (2006): 139–166.
Hafkin, “Trade, Society,” 47.
Ibid., 47.
Ibid., 179–No 40, 319.

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Bonate

in Arabic script and to extend it to their relatives and other dependents.
Eduardo do Couto Lupi mentions in his 1907 report that, “in the regions where
musulmanised [sic] indigenes live, they know the Kiswahili [sic] writing.”37
João de Azevedo Coutinho, who was also among the military conquerors of
the region, maintains in his memoirs of the region in the 1880–1890s that:
“in fact, there is no black Muslim settlement without a [Qur’anic] school, without a teacher monhé [a Muslim presumed to be of mixed African-Arab origin,
i.e., a coastal Muslim] who teaches the little black [children]. Everyone knows
how to read, at least the Qur’an.”38 Francisco António da Silva Neves, the captain-­
major of Angoche during the last years of the nineteenth century also concurs
with these views: “almost all the monhés know how to write in Arabic characters in their own language; moreover, at the island of Angoche, there are many
women monhé who know how to read and write.”39 Africans sought literacy
not only because the regional ruling elites were using it for the correspondence among themselves as well as the Portuguese, but also because commercial contracts as well as testaments were customarily written down in Arabic
script.40
All these writing activities had seemingly placed the khatib (In local vernacular from Arabic, a scribe) in an as esteemed position. However it was the
mwalimu (In local vernacular from Swahili, sing., pl., walimu, and Arabic, a
teacher) who was truly central to literacy in northern Mozambique.41 The main
occupation of a mwalimu was to teach at a Qur’anic school, locally known as
madrasa which were quite abundant, as described by Azevedo Coutinho, Lupi
and others. Silva Neves states that there were ten such schools at Angoche
Island alone, where children between the ages of 5 and 12 went to study in the

37

Eduardo do Couto Lupi, Angoche. Breve memória sobre uma das Capitanias-Môres do
Distrito de Moçambique (Lisboa: Typografia do Annuario Commercial, 1907), 152. All
translations are by the author.
38 João de Azevedo Coutinho, Memórias de um velho marinheiro e soldado de África (Lisboa:
Livraria Bertrand, 1941), 67.
39 Francisco António da Silva Neves, Informações á cerca da Capitania-Mór de Angoche
(Lourenço Marques: Imprensa Nacional, 1901), 17.
40 Lupi, Angoche, 152; Joaquim d’Almeida da Cunha, Provincia de Moçambique. Estudo Acerca
Usos e Costumes dos Banianes, Bathias, Parses, Mouros, Gentios e Indígenas. Para cumprimento do que dispôs o artigo no 8, 1 do decreto de 18 de Novembro de 1869 (Moçambique:
Imprensa Nacional, 1885), 48; Pedro Massano de Amorim, Relatório sobre a ocupação de
Angoche: Operações de campanha e mais serviço realizados, Anno 1910 (Lourenço Marques:
Imprensa Nacional, 1911), 120.
41 Silva Neves, Informações, 18.

islamic africa 7 (2016) 60-80


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