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Hitler's Anti-Marxism proves that he was rightwing?
Davi Caldas • November 10, 2017

The left tells us that Hitler and his National Socialist movement were right-wing or, to
be more exact, far right. One of the most frequently used arguments to support this
claim is the fact that Hitler (and, consequently, National Socialism) was antiMarxist. Now, we could dismiss the argument at the outset, for the same part of the
false assumption that Marxism is the only left-wing doctrine that exists and that
therefore any who oppose it are automatically right-wing. This assumption is false
because, since its emergence, the left has always relied on political doctrines that did
not attempt to implant communism. The Jacobins of the period of the French
Revolution (pre-Marxists,

In reality, as long as a person retains basic leftist traits (such as the belief that
government must multiply its functions and taxes in order to make "social justice") it is
quite possible that such a person is left-wing and, at the same time a fierce opponent of
Marxism. As? Let's see. I, for example, believe that Marx's theory is impossible to realize
in practice, as he had thought. He imagined a kind of "democratic dictatorship," in
which all proletarians would rule, and which would be temporary, giving rise to
subsequent communism. For me it is obvious that this would not work in any case
because man tends to abuse power and a dictatorship of the proletariat would surely
become a dictatorship of leaders who call themselves "representatives" of the
proletariat.

Thus, even if I were a leftist (as I was, even though I did not know), it would probably
be vehemently opposed to Marxism, given my belief in the practical impossibility of
it. Still, I could believe in the state's ability to do social justice, vote for labor
candidates, be against the free market, want more government intervention, fight for
more companies and public services, and so on. In fact, most current leftists have this
profile. They do not want to destroy capitalism. They just want to "tame you".

So pointing Hitler and Nazism as anti-Marxists in no way proves that they were right
and not left. You have to dig deeper into the matter. And I believe that a good way to
start digging is by going to the book in which Adolf Hitler exposes his Nazi ideals, the
Mein Kampf (My Fight). What does he say about Marxism? Does the book make it clear
that Hitler was against Marxism, precisely because he was right-wing? We will see.
At that time my eyes were opened to two dangers which I barely knew by name and which
in no way presented themselves clearly in their horrible significance to the existence of the
Germanic people: Marxism and Judaism.

This first passage is interesting because it gives the tone to the rest of Hitler's book. As
we shall see, Adolf Hitler saw a relationship between the Marxist movement, the socialdemocrat movement (which at the time was a less radical variant of Marxism) and the
Jewish people. Throughout the book he explains this point of view and shows how he
came to that conclusion.
[...] the activity of social democracy did not seem to me to be unfriendly. As this movement
was concerned with improving the working conditions of the laborer - as I believed in my
naivete of old - it seemed to me better to speak in his favor than against it. What most
distanced me from social democracy was its position as an adversary in relation to the
movement for the preservation of the Germanic spirit.
At the age of seventeen, the word Marxism was little known to me, while socialism and
social-democracy seemed to me identical conceptions. It was also necessary, in this case,
that the strong fist of fate would open my eyes to this cursed way of deceiving the people.
Here Adolf Hitler claims that in his youth he had nothing against the social-democratic
movement (other than the fact that they were not nationalists) and that he did not
know Marxism. But it sets the stage to show that its design would soon change. It is
interesting to note how he shows a tendency on the left to judge the social-democratic
concern with the proletariat positively. Not that concern for workers is a leftist
monopoly, but a rightist would never admire the left's "concern" with them, since the
leftist "concern" with workers implies being against the free market and in favor of state
interventionism. So it is now clear that Hitler would not become anti-Marxist because
he was in favor of right-wing economic doctrines. At another point, Hitler states:
I have seen before me a doctrine of selfishness and hatred which, by mathematical laws, can
be brought to victory, but will drag humanity to ruin. In the meantime, I had already
understood the connection between this doctrine of destruction and the character of a
certain race to me hitherto unknown. Only the knowledge of the Jews offered me the key to
understanding the intimate, and therefore real, purposes of social democracy. Those who
know this people see the veil falling from their eyes, which prevented them from discovering
the false conceptions of the purpose and meaning of this party, and from the fog of the
wandering of their propaganda, with grinning teeth, the caricature of Marxism appears.
Adolf Hitler's relationship between Marxism, Social-Democracy and the Jewish people
begins to become more explicit on this point. Realize that Hitler speaks of "intimate and
therefore real purposes of social democracy," which means that the Nazi leader was
adept at a conspiracy theory. He believed that social democracy as well as Marxism
concealed their true objectives which were in some way connected with the hidden
aims of the Jewish people. He goes on elsewhere:
Little by little, I understood that the social-democratic press was, for the most part,
controlled by the Jews. I attached little importance to this fact, which, incidentally, was the
case with the other newspapers. There was, however, one significant fact: no newspaper in
which the Jews had links could be regarded as genuinely national, in the sense in which I,
by the influence of my education, understood that word. 

Overcoming my reluctance, I tried to read this kind of Marxist press, but the repulsion for it
grew more and more. I endeavored to get a closer acquaintance with the writers of this
marauder, and found that, beginning with the editors, they were all Jews. 
I examined all the social-democratic pamphlets I could get, and invariably came to the same
conclusion: all the editors were Jews. I took note of the names of almost all the leaders, and
for the most part they were the "chosen people," whether they were members of the
Reichscrat, trade union secretaries, chairmen of associations or street agitators. In all of
them there was always the same sinister figure of the Jew. The names of Austerlitz, David,
Adler, Ellenbogen, etc., will remain forever in my memory. One thing has become clear to
me. The leaders of the Social Democratic Party, with the small elements of which I had been
fighting for months, were almost all of a foreign race, for to my inner satisfaction I was
convinced that the Jew was not German.
Only then did I understand which were the corrupters of the people. A year's stay in Vienna
had been enough to give me the certainty that no worker should persist in the stubbornness
of not worrying about acquiring a more certain knowledge of social conditions. Little by
little, I became familiar with his doctrine and used it as an instrument for the formation of
my inner convictions. Only then did I understand which were the corrupters of the people.
One must understand Hitler's reasoning within its context. In its time, the Jews were
scattered throughout Europe. There were indeed many Jews and in the most diverse
social strata. This bothered many Europeans, who retained a somewhat xenophobic
spirit. Thus anti-Semitic thought was not uncommon or recent, but it had been
developing for some decades.

We do not know for sure if there was anything else that made Hitler hate the Jews, but
it is in this context of several Jews scattered throughout Europe and growing
xenophobia that Hitler begins to believe that there was a huge Machiavellian Jewish
plan to dominate the world. The presence of Jews in various professions and social
strata would be part of the plan. Each one would be strategically positioned, infiltrating
their ideas in the culture, enriching and taking care of spaces and works. In this way,
social-democracy and Marxism would be only two instruments in the hands of the Jews
to reach their supreme goal. Therefore, he warns:
If the Jew, with the help of his Marxist creed, conquer the nations of the world, his crown of
victories will be the crown of death of the human race, and then the empty planet of men,
again, as millions of years ago, he will err in the ether. Nature always revenges itself
inexorably from all usurpations against its dominion. Therefore, I now believe that I act
according to the prescriptions of the Almighty Creator. Fighting against Judaism, I am
doing the work of God.
It is evident that Hitler saw Marxism and all its variations as the arms of the Jewish
plan of world domination. This was what made him opposed to Marxism. And for him,
his conclusion was the result of much study, as he states elsewhere: 
Gradually my study provided me with granite principles for my own convictions - so much
so that since then I never thought of changing my personal opinions on the case. I have also

done a thorough study of the links between Marxism and Judaism.
As the book draws to a close, Hitler becomes increasingly emphatic about the
relationship between Marxism and Judaism. It says:
Marxism, whose ultimate aim is and will always be the destruction of all non-Jewish
nationalities, had to astonish me that in the days of July 1914 the German workers, already
conquered by them, awoke, and each day with more ardor were present at the service of the
motherland. In a few days, the mystification of these infamous deceivers of the peoples was
destroyed. Lonely and abandoned, there was this bundle of Jewish agitators, as if there were
no trace of the madness inculcated for more than 60 years in the German working class.
His conception of the subject encompassed everything. He believed he had discovered
all the links of the supposed Jewish plan of world domination. He speaks, for example,
of the economic question:
I began to learn and understand, only now, the meaning and purpose of the work of the
Jewish Karl Marx. Only now have I understood his book "The Capital" - as well as the
struggle of social democracy against the national economy, a struggle which aims to
prepare the ground for real high international finance.
Hitler's understanding of Marxist economics was something like this: the Jew staged
that he was fighting for the proletariat and would put the economy in his hands. At the
same time he despised nationalities, creating an internationalist mentality. The idea
was to break the boundaries between countries so that when the Jew in any country
dominates the economy, he would have an easy grasp of the economy of other parts of
the world, since no nationalities no longer matter and the Marxist economy must be
one. To this Adolf Hitler called "international Jewish capitalism". Let's see:
What the so-called liberal press did before the war was to dig a grave for the German nation
and for the Reich. We do not have to say anything about the lying Marxist newspapers. For
them lying is so necessary as for cats to meow. Its sole purpose is to break the nation's
resistance forces, preparing it for the enslavement of international capitalism and its lords,
the Jews.
In another passage, Hitler repeats the dose:

Before the war, the internationalization of German business was already underway, under
the guise of joint-stock companies. It is true that a part of the German industry made a
determined attempt to avoid the danger, but, in the end, was defeated by a combined attack
of ambitious capitalism, aided by its allies of the Marxist movement.
Still in another section it is possible to read:

If the fury of the international exploiters at Versailles was directed against the former
German army, this was the last stronghold of our freedoms in the struggle against
international capitalism. Had it not been for this threatening force, the Versailles Intention

would have come much earlier. What the German people owe to the army can be summed
up in this word: everything.
Hitler also speaks in his book about how he understood the work of the Jews in the
press. His reasoning, though fanciful, is nevertheless interesting. He believes that the
Jews created a semblance of struggle between bourgeois and proletarians in order to
always have the press in their hands. Thus, if any of the classes for some reason lost a
political battle, this would not affect the Jewish plan, for in the defeat of one
remained. He writes: 
The conduct of the [German] government representatives failed [...]. From time to time,
when severely offended, they would chess some journalistic [Marxist] vipers for a few
weeks, or even months, but always left their nest in peace.
All this was the consequence, on the one hand, of the cunning tactics of the Jews, and,
on the other hand, of the councilor's stupidity or the naivety of the official world. The
Jew was clever enough not to allow his whole press to be at the same time stoned. One
part of it was always free to cover the other. While the Marxist newspapers, in the
lowest way, fought the most sacred of men, they invested, by the most infamous
lawsuits against the government, and ravished large sectors of the population against
one another, the bourgeois democratic leaves of the Jews gave appearance of the most
remarkable concern with these facts, concentrated all their forces, knowing exactly that
imbeciles only judge by appearances, and are never able to penetrate the core of things.

An interesting passage that once again demonstrates Hitler's leftist bias, even though
he is anti-Marxist, is when he begins to talk about how he believed that one should act
against the Jewish press. It states:
A day will come when the Jew will shout loudly in his newspapers when he feels that a
strong hand is willing to put an end to this shameful use of the press, putting this
instrument of education at the service of the State, removing it from the hands of foreigners
and enemies of the nation. I believe that this company, for us young people, will be less
uncomfortable than it was to our parents. A thirty-centimeter grenade speaks louder than a
thousand vipers of the Jewish press.
In this passage, Hitler's leftism is latent. His thinking follows the mold of all the
doctrines of the left. The left is defined by the basic assumption that man is capable of
solving cruelty and social injustice through some tool. This tool is almost always the
government, which should receive the maximum of possible functions in order to
achieve this goal. Cruelty and injustice, in turn, are always caused by enemies that
need to be fought. Thus, in every leftist government, there is always an apocalyptic
struggle between the government and the "enemies" of social welfare.

What differs from the various leftist doctrines of each other is the view each of them
has over who are the enemies of social welfare. For Marxists, the enemies are the
bourgeois, the religious leaders and the conservatives. For Adolf Hitler, however, the

enemies were the Jews, the foreigners residing in Germany, the blacks, the
handicapped, and all those who moved away from the "Aryan profile."

Then realize that Hitler defines the enemies of social welfare, presents the strong hand
of government as the great solution to the problem and states that the new press would
be in the service of the state, which is nothing more than state interventionism, control
of private companies and opposition to the free market. All this "for the sake of social
welfare. Now this is pure left-wing economics! 

It is becoming more interesting to the extent that Hitler begins to point to socialism
preached by Marxism as false, which, in reality, intends to do exactly the opposite of
what it preaches: to strengthen capitalism. It becomes clear that Hilter is a socialist who
wishes to implant what he considers to be true socialism. He says:
From now on, the only thing left for the workman is to fight for the future of the Jewish
people. Without realizing it, he enters into the service of the power which he has the illusion
of fighting. With the appearance of letting it attack capital, you can best make it fight for
it. In all this, it constantly cries out against international capital, when in truth what is
aimed at and the national economy. It is this that must be demolished so that, in your
graveyard, the International Exchange can be built triumphantly. 
The process employed by the Jew is as follows: he approaches the worker, feigns compassion
for his fate or even revolts against his destiny of misery and indigence, all this only to gain
confidence. It strives to examine every real or imagined deprivation in the life of the
workers, arousing the ardent desire to change their situation. The aspiration to social
justice, latent in every Aryan, is led by him in an infinitely skillful way, to hatred against
the privileges of luck; to this campaign for the overthrow of social plagues implies a
character of well-defined universalism. Marxist doctrine is founded.

By presenting it inseparably linked to a whole series of very legitimate social demands, it
favors its propaganda and, on the other hand, arouses the aversion of well-intentioned
humanity in meeting those demands which, exposed in the manner in which they are,
appear from the beginning, as unjust, and even impossible to achieve. 
It is that, under this disguise of purely social ideas, there are hidden frankly diabolical
intentions. They are delivered to the public with too petulant clarity. Such a doctrine
represents a mixture of reason and madness, but in such a way that only madness and
never the reasonable side can become reality. By the categorical contempt of the personality,
therefore of the nation and of race, it destroys the elementary bases of all human
civilization, which depends precisely on these factors. 
This is the true essence of Marxist theory, if one can give this miscarriage of a brain, a
criminal the name of "doctrine." With the ruin of personality and race, the greatest
stronghold of resistance disappears against the kingdom of the mediocre, of which the Jew
is the most typical representative. 

This doctrine can be judged precisely by its ravings in economic and political matters. All
who are in fact intelligent are hesitant to enter their entourage, and others, who lack
sufficient intellectual activity or economic preparation, rush to meet them. The Jew, within
his own ranks, "sacrifices" the intelligent element to the movement, for even such a
movement can not be kept without intelligence. This creates a real labor movement under
the leadership of Jews. They seem to aim at the improvement of the conditions of the
workers, having in mind, however, in fact, the enslavement and annihilation of all peoples
who are not Jews.
Awesome this stretch! Hitler makes it clear that he does not criticize Marxism either for
its content, but for its lie. That is to say, Hitler is saying that he agrees with Marxist
social proposals, but that he opposes Marxism because, according to him, everything is
nothing more than a Jewish scam to enslave nations. It's as if Hitler was saying,
"Hey! You are not real socialists! They are exploiters of the people! " It was clear to
Hitler that Marxist "socialism" was nothing more than Jewish capitalism. His analysis of
the world panorama of the time takes this concept into account.
The internationalization of the German economy, ie the exploitation of German labor by
international Jewish financiers, will only be practicable in a politically Bolshevized
state. But the Marxist assault troop of Jewish international capitalism can only definitively
break the backbone of the German state through friendly outside assistance. Therefore, the
armies of France must occupy Germany, until the Reich, corroded in the interior, is
dominated by the Bolshevik forces in the service of international Jewish capitalism.
Thus, the Jew is today the great instigator of the absolute annihilation of Germany. All the
attacks against Germany, all over the world, are written by the Jews. It was they who, at
peace as during the war, by their press, premeditatedly hatred against Germany, until State
by State abandoned neutrality and set a square in the world coalition, renouncing the true
interests of their peoples.
The ideas of Judaism in this matter are of a meridian clarity. The Bolshevization of
Germany, that is, the extermination of the culture of our people and the consequent
pressure on German labor by the Jewish capitalists is only the first step towards the
conquest of the world by this race.
That Hitler was anti-capitalist is clear here. He did not intend to destroy the whole
capitalist system, it is true. But to be anti-capitalist it is not necessary to have that
intention. It is enough to regard capitalism in its pure state as a bad thing and seek to
tame it through government, by intervening intensively in the economy and impinging
on free markets and free competition. It's that old leftist rhetoric of controlling "savage
capitalism" for the sake of society.

It is also clear here that the struggle between Marxists and socialist nationalists was in
fact a dispute between two leftist doctrines that sought the status of "true socialism,"
accusing one another of being "capitalist." This kind of quarrel within the left thinking
itself has always been very common. French revolutionaries were divided into Jacobins
and Girondins; Russian revolutionaries were divided into Bolsheviks and

Mensheviks; Bolshevik revolutionaries divided themselves into Stalinists and
Trotskyists; Stalinists also came to oppose the fascists (who had deep Marxist
roots). And so it goes. None of these disputes, however, has changed the fact that all
such visions are of the left.

Hitler continues to accuse Marxism of being a facade socialism:

According to the aims of the Jewish struggle, which consist not only in the economic
conquest of the world but also in political domination, the Jew divides the organization of
Marxist combat into two parts, which seem to be separate but actually constitute a single
bloc : the movement of politicians and the trade unions. The latter is a grooming job. In the
hard struggle for existence, which the worker has to face, due to the greed and myopia of
many bosses, the movement offers him help and protection and the possibility of fighting for
an improvement in his living conditions. [...].
In the same proportion, the so-called national bourgeoisie, blinded by money, poses the
greatest obstacles to this struggle for life, opposing all attempts to abbreviate working
hours, inhumanity, suppression of child labor, safety and protection of women ,
improvement of sanitary conditions in workshops and housing, etc. 
The Jew, smarter, takes the defense of the oppressed. Gradually he becomes the head of the
social movement. This is easy for him, for it is not a question of fighting social wounds with
good intentions, but rather of selecting a combat troop in the proletarian milieus that is
blindly devoted to him in the campaign to destroy the country's economic
independence. While the leadership of a sound social policy does not firmly accept these two
guidelines: the maintenance of the health of the people and the security of national
independence in the economic field, the Jew in his struggle will not only completely neglect
these two problems, but will make a genuine goal. He does not want the preservation of an
independent national economy, but, on the contrary, his annihilation. 
As a result, there are no scruples of conscience that could cause him, as the head of the
proletarian movement, to make demands, not only exorbitant, but almost unrealistic, and
capable of leading to the ruin of the national economy. He does not think of seeing a
healthy and robust generation, he desires only a herd contaminated and apt to be
subdued. With this desideratum he makes demands so devoid of sense that his realization
(he does not ignore it) becomes impossible and can not bring about any modification of the
existing state of things. It serves only to excite the mass crowd to the rave. This, however, is
what he wants and not the better modification of the situation of the proletariat.
Two points should be noted here. The first is how Hitler posits himself as a genuine
socialist in his descriptions, as opposed to the Marxists, who, according to him, would
be deceivers. The second is how Hitler carefully links one point to the other. While he
assembles a profile of the supreme enemy of society (the Jew), giving credit to his
words through a thorough analysis of the deceptive mechanisms supposedly used by
this people, he prepares the field for his ideas of government. The following paragraph
reads:

The Jewish leadership of the social issue will be maintained until the day when an
enormous campaign for the enlightenment of the masses is carried out instructing them
about their infinite misery or until the state annuls both the Jew and his work. Of course,
as long as the people's lack of perspicacity lasts, and the state remains as indifferent as it
has been to this day, the masses will always follow the one whose promises, of an economic
order, are the most audacious. In this, in fact, the Jew takes the palm, because no moral
scruple enters its action.
Once again Hitler's leftism is evident here. He invokes the power of the state once more
to enlighten the masses about their miseries and to annihilate the Jew. The state can
not "remain indifferent as it has been until today". From there, Hitler begins to invest
heavily in the "justification" of his racism. And he goes so far as to say that the goal of
the state is to preserve the pure race. It says:
On the face of it, the "racist" conception distinguishes humanity in its primitive racial
elements. It sees in the State, in principle, only a means to an end and conceives as an end
the conservation of human racial existence. Consequently, it does not admit the equality of
races at all, but rather recognizes in its difference greater or lesser value, and so
understands, feels the duty, in accordance with the eternal will that governs this universe,
to promote the victory of the best, stronger and demanding the subordination of the worst,
the weakest.
The State as a tool for the new world and the struggle between races offers us the
leftist tone of national socialism. In Marxism we have social classes. In Nazism we have
races. But in the end, we have in both world views a polarization of society and a
conflict that must be waged in order to reach a Reformed society. At this moment
enters the function of the National Socialist Party of German Workers.
But the organization of a conception of the world can only be effected enduringly on the
basis of a definite and clear formula. The political principles of the party in formation must
be like the dogmas for Religion. Therefore, the racist conception of the world must become
an instrument that allows the Party the proper possibilities of struggle, just as the Marxist
party organization paves the way for internationalism. This aim is aimed at the National
Socialist Party of German Workers.
It was taking too long! After doing all the analysis of the problem of society, Hitler
comes with the solution, of course! The solution was in a strong party, governed by
almost religious principles, that would turn the state into a true socialist state. There is
nothing original at this point. The praise of Italian fascism follows the pattern of leftist
thinking:
[...] the persecution of the internationalist press, as well as the constant fight against
international Marxism, on the other hand the constant consolidation of the fascist doctrine,
will enable, over the years, the Italian government to be increasingly able to serve the
interests of his people, without fear of the Jewish hydra.
See Hitler's reasoning: to fight the Marxists was to enable the government to serve the
interests of the people. Because? Because Marxism was only facade socialism, a Jewish
political-economic doctrine of world domination. Hitler's analysis is extensive. He


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